Peer Reviewer 1:
As to the relevance of the chosen topic, corruption in schools and universities does not seem to be the most important aspect of the corruption debate in Georgia. Possible corrupted deals and abuses during privatization, abuses during the tenders for large contracts in infrastructure works, appropriateness of use of international aid, and the so-called elite corruption in the ruling circles are the aspects of corruption which local and international watchdogs are concerned with in Georgia.
The chapter devoted to educational institutions rightfully argues that corruption in the Georgian educational system persists. However, narrating on Telavi State University, the report does not state who conducted the survey and why. It does not give representatives of the university the floor to explain the survey findings. The report does not produce an insight into why Telavi University students were forced to pay bribes. The report misses the other noteworthy fact of the alleged corruption in this university: a former lecturer, who preferred to stay incognito, accused in a letter the university administration of issuing false diplomas, and claimed he was dismissed because of refusal from participation in this corrupt scheme. The university leadership denies the accusations and says that the new rector, Giorgi Gotsiridze, changed the system of student evaluation that minimizes, if not excludes, bribery, and that they increased professors monthly salaries of the from GEL 80 (US$48) to GEL 850 (US$509). To me this portion lacks depth and looks a bit superficial.
As to the David Katamadzes case, the report uses the term alleged regarding the creation of false diplomas and then boldly announces it as a clear sign of corruption, while the investigation is still underway. Besides, the report would have been more accurate and telling if the author could have linked these two cases of alleged issuings of false diplomas in these two educational institutions to show whether it is a tendency in Georgian universities.
In the passage about the anonymous parent, the report says nothing about when and where he made this statement. In addition, according to my notes, the false notification for a pupils absence costs at least GEL 20 (US$12). The cost of 6 GEL (US$3.50) is understated.
In Georgia, illegal university admission of students who could not meet the requirements used to take place not only by direct bribing of university officials. It was a frequent practice that they would be enrolled thanks to mere nepotism and protectionism (e.g. phone calls in the form of an order from high-ranking state officials). Georgia as a post-Soviet state was part of the telephone law societies.
The report doesnt say where Mr. Saakashvili made this specific speech. In 2005, Saakashvili delivered numerous speeches. Actually, the government that came to power in 2003 after the Rose Revolution began to fight corruption in the education system as early as in 2004. Then new government managed to overcome resistance of some backward-looking groups advocating for the old system. The new leadership of the Ministry of Education and Science backed by reformist social groups quickly abolished the Soviet-style and heavily corrupted university admission system in 2005, having officially replaced it with the new system officially titled Unified National Examinations.
The official name of the ministry is Ministry of Education and Science, while the report mentions it as Ministry of Education. Minister Nika Gvaramia was dismissed from office on Dec. 7, 2009.
The name of Georgia's capital should be spelled Tbilisi.
The chapter Perception and Efforts , speaks about the governments anti-corruption plan and anti-corruption board but provides no further details that could enlighten the audience about the gist of the ambitious reforms, composition and objectives of the board, and its challenges, if any. The statement that anti-corruption movements exceed by their importance the topics related to the August 2008 Georgia-Russia war looks exaggerated. Speaking about the 2009 Global Corruption Barometer findings, the report doesnt indicate clearly that they concern Georgia. It says 57 percent of the citizens consider& -- thus, it is unclear citizens of which country are included here. The chapter has neither logical nor notional relation with the preceding chapter and the title of the report dealing with corruption in educational institutions. I find the same fault as in the preceding chapter. The report interviews anti-corruption watchdog TI-Georgia Director Tamuna Karosanidze (T.K. is a woman, while the report writes He says ), but does not give the floor to a representative of any state power branch to comment on the findings. This evidently lowers the fairness of the report.
In the chapter Key Weaknesses , the report presents a citation that there is no formal necessity for explanation without indicating the source. Again, the chapter covers a topic that has no relation with the main topic of the report. I could not find the staff member by the name Goren Ekluni in the European Commission Delegation in Georgia http://www.delgeo.ec.europa.eu/en/contacts/index.html Most probably the reporter meant Per Eklund, who was the head of the delegation. Giorgi Chkheidze no longer works as deputy public defender. In the chapter Steps Forward , the sugar-coated and optimistic statement about the improvement of the quality of education is based on the opinion of teacher Rusiko Kvashilava, who is the sole respondent in the other chapters too. The report must quote at least two teachers with different views. According to many independent education experts, although the education reform cracked down on corruption during the universities entrance examinations, it has so far not succeeded in improvement the quality of education.
[Corrections have been made where appropriate.]
Peer Reviewer 2:
I absolutely agree with the notebook. It is clear and provides an objective picture of the situation. There might be only minor additions to the report on the following issues: 1. Education system The news is that Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili recognized the problems within the system first on Nov. 6, 2009, and then on Jan. 12, 2010. After firing Education Minister Gvaramia, the president has criticized the reforms already introduced in schools, specifically mentioned that school needs have been undermined, and requested a fresh start for the "future of Georgia". "Saakashvili was speaking about the education system in general saying that more reforms were needed to tackle the falling level of education in the country."
2. Anti-Corruption agency This is a formality rather than a real instrument in fighting corruption; its composition (minimum representation from the outside players) and minimal level of engagement with real issues makes it a commission for international eyes rather than a real working tool. It will be impossible for anyone to recall when the commission met last time and what its agenda consisted of. My understanding is that the commission almost never meets -- or even if it does, its work is closed and non-transparent.
3. Increased level of ignorance of the freedom of information laws and requirements There are more and more complaints from NGOs and journalists about the secrecy. At the same time, the government keeps increasing the list of documents protected under the secret clause -- e.g. issues related to the state budget were also added to this list, which had never been the case in Georgia.
Global Integrity uses a