According to art. 103 of the constitution, the government should contribute to the organization, promotion and capacitation of civic and community non-governmental organizations in order to make them democratic mechanisms of representation in instances of participation, concertation, control and oversight of public management.

Although there is no specific law on the formation of Civil Society Organizations focused on anticorruption and good governance, legal dispositions related to this type of organization can be found on the regulations for social control, veedurias ciudadanas (citizen oversight committees), and non profit organizations.

In what refers to the conformation of CSO´s, according to the decree 2150 of 1995, the only requirement for the recognition of non profit organizations is the inscription in the respective chamber of commerce.

The Law 850 2003 develops the article 270 of the constitution and the right of citizens to oversee public management. The law states that citizens have the right to constitute "Veedurias ciudadanas" or citizen oversight commitees, which can be temporary mechanisms for CSOs to control public administration, procurement processes, etc. The veedurias enable citizens and/or civil society organizations to oversee public management and the performance of administrative, judicial, electoral and political authorities, public and private entities, or non-governmental organizations that work in the country, and are responsible for executing a program, contract or public service. One of the main objectives of the "veedurias ciudadanas" is to strenghten mechanisms to control corruption in public procurement and public management.

The law 136/1994 that regulates the functioning of municipalities states as one of the local mayor´s responsibilities, the promotion of veedurias ciudadanas. The law 812 of 2003 that issued the National Development Plan, states as an objective, the promotion of citizen participation in the definition, execution and oversight of public management.

The Presidential Program Against Corruption, the Interior Ministry, the Finance Ministry, the National Planning Department, the Presidential Program for Youth, and the Administrative Department for Civil Service have created a training program for citizens that execute social control.

References: Constitucion Politica de Colombia 1991 art.38.

Republica de Colombia. Ley 850 de 2003 "Por medio del cual se reglamentan las veedurias ciudadanas."

DECRETO NUMERO 2150 DE 1995 (diciembre 5) "por el cual se suprimen y reforman regulaciones, procedimientos o trámites innecesarios existentes en la Administración Pública." DIARIO OFICIAL. AÑO CXXXI. N. 42137. 6, DICIEMBRE, 1995. PAG. 1

Mateus, Rafael and Mariño, Consuelo. 2001.

"INCREMENTO EN LA PARTICIPACIÓN CIUDADANA EN AMÉRICA LATINA MEDIANTE LA GENERACIÓN DE MARCOS LEGALES FAVORABLES." INVESTIGACIÓN EN COLOMBIA BID-CERFE-CCONG. Bogotá.

Programa Presidencial Anticorrupción. www.anticorrupcion.gov.co

References: DECRETO 624 DE 1989 (30 de marzo de 1989) "Por el cual se expide el Estatuto Tributario de los Impuestos Administrados por la Dirección General de Impuestos Nacionales."

Constitución Política de Colombia 1991, art. 355.

Ley 850 de 2003 "Por medio del cual se reglamentan las veedurias ciudadanas."

In 2004, and after a series of accusations of lack of transparency and corruption in agreements of cooperation between public and private organizations and international groups, the government issued the decree 537 by which it compels all organizations receiving funding from agreements of cooperation to present a monthly relation of such contracts to the tax collection agency (DIAN).

Also in 2004, concerned about transparency, 34 NGOs with diverse objectives (many of them related with the promotion of transparency and good governance) signed a pact commiting to disclose their sources of funding and promote transparency and accountability in their own interventions beyond a purely financial or economic perspective. The initiative was created to expand public information on the work of NGOs, to promote a culture of transparency, and to answer partially to attacks from the government to many human rights organizations.

References: Ley 850 de 2003 "Por medio del cual se reglamentan las veedurias ciudadanas"

DECRETO NUMERO 2150 DE 1995 (diciembre 5) "por el cual se suprimen y reforman regulaciones, procedimientos o trámites innecesarios existentes en la Administración Pública". DIARIO OFICIAL. AÑO CXXXI. N. 42137.

DIARIO OFICIAL. AÑO CXXXIX. N. 45.472. 25, FEBRERO, 2004. PAG. 6.

DECRETO NUMERO 537 DE 2004 (febrero 24) por el cual se reglamenta el artículo 58 de la Ley 863 de 2003.

ONG por la Transparencia. [ LINK ]

Given the little structural specialization and differentiation of CSOs, it is difficult to trace specific difficulties for CSOs focused on good governance or anticorruption, however it is possible to identify some informal barriers for CSOs to operate more freely.

First, CSOs are more able to operate freely at the national that at the local level. There are civil society organizations which are recognized nationally and can operate safely, such as the Chapter of Transparency International, Confecamaras, and Congreso Visible. Successful oversight experiences are usually those in which big economic and media groups are involved. But there are other cases, especially those in which corruption issues are closely linked to human rights violations, as is commonly the case in Colombia, in which organizations are constantly threatened. Thus, in practice, many local NGOs are not able to denounce as they might be subject to threats from armed groups or corrupt public employees at the local level, as these concerns are more easily voiced by national organizations. Organizations promoting transparency and civic culture can operate more freely than those directly committed to denounce or investigate corruption cases.

Second, although the proliferation and number of NGOs and CSOs working on good governance and anticorruption is a positive sign of the strength of civil society, it creates problems as many of these organizations lack resources to operate in a sustained manner. CSOs have little knowledge on fund raising strategies, and thus they are limited to act.

In the case of veedurias (citizen oversight committees) as this is not a professionalized activity, it becomes a stepping stone to accessing jobs with the government or other private agencies, weakening the control exercise itself.

Third, although legally there are many ways for civil society activists to participate, in many cases there is incomplete knowledge about the range of mechanisms that can be used for this purpose.

Fourth, in practice some spaces of citizen participation might end up being co-opted by the government (TC 2004), as in the case of the case of Local Planning Council, a space in which CSOs can engage in local planning.

References: DECRETO NUMERO 2150 DE 1995 (diciembre 5) "por el cual se suprimen y reforman regulaciones, procedimientos o trámites innecesarios existentes en la Administración Pública". DIARIO OFICIAL. AÑO CXXXI. N. 42137. 6, DICIEMBRE, 1995. Corporación Transparencia por Colombia. 2004. El Control Social a la administración pública en Colombia.Colección Cuadernos de Transparencia # 8. Bogotá.

VILLAR, Rodrigo. 2001. El Tercer Sector en Colombia. Evolución, dimensión y tendencias. Confederación Colombiana de Organizaciones no Gubernamentales, Bogotá.

The Law 190/1995 (Anticorruption Statute) created the Citizen Commission for the Fight against corruption which later (decrees 1681/97 and 978/99) became the National Commission for Moralization composed by a Citizen Subcomission and an Institutional Subcomission. The Commission was designed as a mechanism to increase the engagement of CSOs in policy making, but it has not worked in practice. The Citizen SubCommission is composed by members proposed by CSOs and then elected by the president, so in practice, there is a barrier for open participation, especially from small CSOs.

The current Director of the Presidential Anticorruption Program considers that direct dialogue with CSOs is more effective than interaction in a committee.

Usually, big national CSOs are called to give concept on specific issues in the elaboration of laws in Congress, but in general participation faces obstacles to be effective or does not go beyond the discussion of the policy itself, so there is still considerable room for improvement.

In the case of veedurias ciudadanas (citizen oversight committees), their nature makes them more a tool to control the execution of projects than a tool for citizens to engage actively in policy making process (TC 2004).

References: Corporación Transparencia por Colombia. 2004. El Control Social a la Administración pública en Colombia. Cuadernos de Transparencia # 8. Bogotá.

Constitucion Politica de Colombia 1991.

Interview with Rodrigo Lara Restrepo, Director of the Presidential Anticorruption Program. July 19, 2007. Bogotá.

References: Interview with Marta Tamayo. Coordinator citizenship area. Corporación Transparencia por Colombia. July 16, 2007. Bogotá

Ley 600 de 2000 "por la cual se expide el codigo de procedimiento penal."

On Aug. 3, 2006 in the municipality of Aguazul (east), the Army detained Alejandro Moreno, president of Communal Action Junta.

On Aug. 6, 2006 the army detained in Bogota Victor Oime, the former local mayor and former member of the extinct leftist party Union Patriotica, along with his son. His wife was also detained in Caqueta. Oime is a human rights defender and community leader.

On Aug. 12, 2006 the army detained several civic leaders in the municipality of Fortul (east).

On Sept. 19, 2006 the police detained two indigenous journalists in the municipality of Caldono, accusing them of rebellion. Their innocence was then proved.

On Oct. 1 2006 a group of civil leaders was detained by the army in the municipality of Arauquita.

On Oct. 5, 2006 the peasant and civic leader, Oscar Enrique Duque, was detained arbitrarily by the army.

On Oct. 18 2006 the lawyer and human rights defender, Claudia Montoya, was detained arbitrarily by the police and the sectional prosecutor on charges of rebellion. The lawyer reported several irregularities during her process.

On Oct. 27, 2006 there as a massive detention in the municipality of Saravena (east). Among the 120 initial detainees were several community and civic leaders.

References: Centro de investigación y Educación Popular Cinep. 2007. Boletin Noche y Niebla # 34.

[ LINK ]

In July 2006, academics and journalists that had denounced corruption acts in Ocaña (a city in the north of the country) received threats through letters asking them to resign.

On Aug. 8, 2006, about 10 organizations received an e-mail with a threat, apparently from paramilitary groups.

On Jan. 23, 2007 the Permanent Assembly of Civil Society for Peace was victim of a robbery in which a database with names and photos of members of the group was stolen. The Assembly has denounced the links between paramilitaries and certain military units.

In February 2007 many social organizations, trade unions, university unions, and alternative media ** received an e-mail with a threat from the group "Aguilas Negras," which presumably is an organization of demobilized paramilitaries rearmed. These organizations belong to the National Movement of State Crimes Victims, which has also criticized the process of negotiation with paramilitary groups and has asked for deep investigations on politicians, public officers and economic groups that might be involved in human rights crimes. The threat could had been a reaction to denounces they had made on the connections between state agents and paramilitaries.

On June 29, 2006 the Movement gave the general attorney two reports on crimes against human rights, documenting 14,476 cases between 1998 and 2003 and 41,407 cases between 1966 and 1998. The reports detailed names of the paramilitaries and police or military units implied in crimes.

In October 2006 the Movement asked for the separation of Senator Dieb Maloof from the Human Rights Commission of the Senate. Maloof appeared to be linked to a well known paramilitary leader "Jorge 40." Jorge's information found on a computer in October 2007 initiated what has been known as the "parapolitica" scandal, that links a significant number of senators, representatives, and local authorities to paramilitary groups through campaign funding and electoral alliances. **Some of the organizations reported are: Movimiento Nacional de Víctimas de Crímenes de Estado Colectivo de Abogados, José Alvear Restrepo, Coordinación Colombia Europa Estados Unidos Comisión Colombiana de Juristas Colectivo de Abogados, Luis Carlos Pérez, Fundación Manuel Cepeda Vargas Fundación Comité de Solidaridad con los Presos Políticos Comité Permanente por los Derechos Humanos Asociación Nacional de Ayuda Solidaria, ANDAS - Asociación para la Promoción Social Alternativa, MINGA Sindicato de Trabajadores y Empleados Universitarios de Colombia, Sintraunicol, Asociación de Profesores Universitarios- ASPU, Federación Nacional Sindical Unitaria Agropecuaria, Fensuagro, Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia -ONIC, Asociación Comunidad Motilón Barí de Colombia Comunidad Indígena Kankuama desplazada en Bogotá Instituto de Servicios Legales Alternativos - ILSA, Corporación para la Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos, Reiniciar, Corporación Yira Castro Justicia y Vida Asamblea Permanente de la Sociedad Civil por la Paz Frente Social y Político Periódico VOZ Prensa Rural Consultoría para los Derechos Humanos y el Desplazamiento -CODHES.

References: Corporación Colectivo de Abogados Jose Alvear Restrepo. Las victimas quieren que se investigue a los responsables. June 29 2006.

Corporación Colectivo de Abogados Jose Alvear Restrepo. Miércoles, 7 febrero 2007 SE INCREMENTAN AMENAZAS QUE COINCIDEN CON SEÑALAMIENTOS DEL PRESIDENTE ÁLVARO URIBE VÉLEZ CONTRA ORGANIZACIONES SOCIALES, POLÍTICAS, DEFENSORAS DE DERECHOS HUMANOS, ENTRE OTRAS [ LINK ]

Centro de investigación y Educación Popular Cinep. 2007. Boletin Noche y Niebla # 34. [ LINK ]

On Jan. 28, 2007 Freddy Espitia, the president of the Displaced Committee in Cotorra, was assassinated.

On Jan. 3, 2007, Yolanda Izquierdo, a leader of a group of victims of Paramilitaries was assasinated. These leaders had denounced human rights violations which, given the persistence of the armed conflict in Colombia, are in certain cases closely linked with abuses of power.

On July 13, 2007 Dairo Torres, community and humanitarian leader of the Peace Community in Apartado (north of the country), was killed by paramilitaries. Another leader of the same community was assassinated on May 14. The community has promoted civil resistance and respect to civil society by armed actors.

References: PARAMILITARES ASESINAN A DAIRO TORRES LÍDER DE LA COMUNIDAD DE PAZ DE SAN JOSE DE APARTADÓ. Julio 14 de 2007, Comunidad de Paz de San José de Apartadó

Llamado Urgente COL 002 / 0207 / OBS 013 Asesinatos / Hostigamiento COLOMBIA 2 de febrero de 2007

Centro de investigación y Educación Popular Cinep. 2007. Boletin Noche y Niebla # 34. [ LINK ]

References: Constitucion Politica de Colombia art. 55 and 56

However, despite these improvements, murders are still high, and threats and arbitrary detentions are on the increase, thus the security situation for trade unionists is still worrying. Between January 2003 and December 2005, 90 trade union members were murdered. While this figure was 185 murders in average per year between January 2000 and December 2002, it is a 48 percent reduction. On the contrary, arbitrary detentions grew from 18 in average per year between January 2000 and December 2002, to 60 between January 2003 and December 2005.

Colombia is one of the countries in which the levels of unionization are still low, and according to Amnesty International in a report widely criticized by the government, Colombia is considered one of the most dangerous places for trade unionists (Amnesty International, July 2007). Around 831,000 workers in Colombia are affiliated to a trade union (Colombia's National Trade Union School) and it is one of the lowest rates of affiliation to trade unions in Latin America.

There are divergences on the number of trade unionists murdered in 2007, but in any case the numbers are still worrying. The government reports 13 murders, three of trade unions and ten of unionized teachers, while Amnesty International reports 16 murders between January and May 2007. The total of murders for the period of this study (June 2006 through June 2007) is 27 murders, according to the government.

References: Amnesty International. 2007. "Colombia Killings, arbitrary detentions, and death threats -- the reality of trade unionism in Colombia. " AI Index: AMR 23/001/2007

Programa Presidencial de Derechos Humanos [ LINK ]

Comisión Colombiana de Juristas. 2007. Colombia 2002-2006: Situación de Derechos Humanos y Derecho Humanitario.Bogotá.

Peer Review Comments: In particular, the health trade union ANTHOC faced considerable threats.

Peer Review Comments: Revista Semana 09/18/2007 Derechos humanos Colombia vuelve al vergonzoso título de ser el país más peligroso del mundo para la actividad sindical