Peer Reviewer 1:
The Reporter's Notebook on Cameroon is generally well-done, but there are a number of issues that the reporter did not address. 1) The fight against corruption in Cameroon has been very selective and has left the population wondering whether the government really wants to stop corruption. Since February 2006, only four directors have been arrested, while our streets are littered with those who keep on mismanaging and misappropriating public funds. It would appear the fight against corruption has caught a cold less than two years after it started. 2) More than one year ago, a law related to the declaration of assets was passed by Parliament, but till date that law is not functional because the president of the republic is yet to enact a decree of application. It is therefore commonplace to see civil servants whose salary are less than US$250 owning cars worth US$120.000 and houses that cost thousands of times more than what their salaries could provide for. 3) The Anti-Corruption Committee that was nominated many months ago and that took oath of office immediately is still to be given office space. 4) There is a blatant refusal to make the electoral processes transparent, by keeping the body in charge of supervising elections very dependent on the government. 5) The notebook did not make mention of the issue of BAD GOVERNANCE, whereby people and companies are granted contracts by the government, and contractors disappear with the money without executing the jobs they are supposed to execute.
The future is not very promising for Cameroon in terms of the fight against corruption and good governance.
Peer Reviewer 2:
Peer Reviewer Comments
1. ACCURACY The Notebook offers a factual situation of the corruption phenomenon in the country.
2. FAIRNESS The Notebook offers a balanced presentation of the situation.
3. CRITICAL OMISSIONS The notebook dwells almost exclusively on institutional corruption ignoring what may be described as petit' or 'Grassroot' corruption, which is omnipresent in the society. For example, patients have to offer tips to nurses before receiving treatment in hospitals. Today in Cameroon it is public knowledge that parents have to offer bribes to school administrators to secure enrollment for qualified children especially into government schools, while students offer sex to teachers or buy marks in order to pass examinations. Worse still, a heart-broken parent has to pay a bribe to a mortuary attendant to ensure that the corpse of his or her son/daughter will be properly washed and stored. More than anything else, it is this aspect of corruption pervading almost every aspect of national life that seems to be the greatest obstacle to the eradication of the vice, since most people now seem to believe that corruption is normal or a way of life. It is this corruption of the mind that may prove to be the most difficult element to overcome in the search for behavioral change. 4. ADDITIONAL CONTEXT In spite of the high profile trials of 2007, the dedication and commitment of the Cameroon government to fighting corruption has been perceived by citizens as largely imposed from outside by the international community, particularly the donors rather than a home-grown initiative. The initial reluctance to face the problem head-on as evident by President Paul Biyas famous (or infamous) where is the proof argument of the early 1990s seems to be characteristic of the countrys approach to the problem even today. No surprise then that a decade since the adoption of the 1996 constitution, one of its major novelties, the declaration of assets by government appointees, has never been applied. As if to add credence to that widely held believe of a half-hearted commitment to the fight against corruption, President Biya came out in an October 2007 interview with the French TV station France 24 with what could have easily passed for excuses for the national cankerworm, saying that corruption is a global not a Cameroonian phenomenon, and promising to reduce it to insignificant levels.
Peer Reviewer 3:
Overall, the Reporters Notebook addresses crucial issues regarding the clearing of public finances of this corrupt country. However, I have a few relevant remarks:
1- Note should be made of the fact that the so-called Epervier operation, which leads to the arrest and prosecution of many high-ranking civil servants, is not so much the result of a spontaneous political will, but rather of international pressure placed on the Cameroonian government by funding institutions and diplomatic corps.
2- In this same line, it should be noted that personalities arrested and prosecuted or already condemned to very heavy penalties appear as scapegoats. The reason is not because the facts against them were false, but because they are part of a long list of people still benefiting from the protection of Yaoundes authorities. Furthermore, people and institutions charged in front of the court by Ondo Ndong, for instance, have not been worried. This is the case of Chantal Biya, the wife of the head of state, among other persons. The president of the republic himself has been more than once accused by national and international press of funding secret societies in the West. It comes to memory that Robert Messi Messi, the former personal banker of Paul Biya, today in exile in Canada, made scandalous revelations as to the importance of public fund embezzlements by the presidential family. (See Celestin Monga in Un Bantou à Washington, PUF, Paris, November 2007, p.62).
3- It is necessary to avoid confusion between embezzlement of public funds -- the principal charge against certain general managers and other civil servants-- and acts of corruption. Public authorities do not show real commitment to eradicate this phenomenon, even though national policies in that matter exist. Cameroon was ranked this year as the must corrupt country in Africa by Transparency International.
4- As regards the media: if the money paid to the New York Times, Le Monde, Jeune Afrique Economie and many other newspapers was the balance for a publicity campaign, there is in fact no major problem, as newspapers live from the fruit of their sales and from publicity. One can wonder, however, about the criteria for the attribution of funds, as well as the choice of supports and the effectiveness of this undertaking.
5- In the 10th paragraph, it is indicated that media are part of the private sector where corruption is rampant. It should clearly be mentioned that public media excel in this national game known as gombo : personalities sometimes have to bribe journalists in order to be interviewed on radio/television or be featured in articles. It is a generalized practice that brings no honor to the press in general. As former Minister of Information and Culture Henri Bandolo said, this practice brings discredit to journalists, who thus flagrantly violate their professional ethic. They impoverish this profession because they empty it of every consideration and respect, Bandolo argued. (See Le Messager of Oct. 10, 1996).
6- It is true that the electoral period is a time of abundance for certain journalists who write glorious articles for certain candidates against remuneration. We should acknowledge, however, that laws in force provide for a fair and equal distribution of air time for all candidates. The right to reaction is also applied in particular conditions stated by the law: it is allowed within a much shorter time than outside election campaigns. However, The National Council for Communication does not play its deserved role in the follow-up of these measures.
7- I dont understand why religious institutions are named among the sectors touched by corruption (paragraph 10). Relevant details to support this affirmation are lacking. To this list, hospitals should, however, be added.
Peer Reviewer 4:
1. The Reporter's Notebook seems to have been carried out only on a documentation basis. Most of the time, the same documents or newspapers are quoted. I was expecting some interviews with professionals in the government and the civil society, and with some of the authors mentioned, who are present in the country. This would have greatly enhanced the results, and would have added more credibility to the report.
2. Time allocated to peer reviewers (two weeks) is really not enough if we are to make substantive comments on the notebooks, because we also have to do in-depth research into some references mentioned by the reporter and add those which have been forgotten.
3. This is a very good initiative by Global Integrity, to find an original way to bring a contribution to the fight against corruption and to seek integrity. I had the opportunity to meet Marianne Camerer in South Africa, a couple of weeks ago, and I could give her my comments.
Global Integrity uses a