Peer Reviewer 1:
The Reporter's Notebook presents almost all sides of the problem, although there are other issues that should have been considered. But the more important aspect is the interpretation of these facts in the actual political and socio-economic context.
The problem is that only in a few cases the people who violated the law were actually indicted. Some disciplinary measures have been taken, but they are insufficient. The public opinion is inclined to believe that the corruption allegations in high places are part of some political confrontation, and they view the whole scene with skepticism. Public opinion polls have shown that the ruling party (parties) approval ratings are falling with every scandal, but this doesn't have a significant impact on the electorate's choice. The main political players -- the Bulgarian Socialist Party and the Movement for Rights and Liberties -- have hard constituencies that provide them if not with participation in the state government, at least with strong presence in the Parliament. The majority of voters don't pay attention to programs and intentions for reforms declared by political players (parties or persons). Instead, electoral preferences are determined by ad hoc policy considerations, such as pledges for new political forces (NDSV in 2001 and GERB now) or charismatic persons (Simeon Kubborgotski in 2001 and Boyko Borisov now). The problem is that once invested with strong electoral support at the beginning of their mandate, parties do not commit to reforms for the sake of all citizens but instead fight to strengthen the internal party cohesion, by distributing state services to their adherents.
This is how the first signs of corruption appeared; later it only amplified and spread out in other forms. Unable to immediately handle the economic and social problems according to the wishes of those who invested them with power, politicians channel their efforts towards revealing the mistakes and abuses of their precedents. Due to the shaky judicial system, they are not able to prove the alleged crimes and the perpetrators escape trial and emerge as moral winners. To compensate the courts' incapacity to deal with these issues, politicians often turn to the media, which they use as a compensatory instrument to condemn their opponents and to prove their own unshakable stance . An obvious example of the political elite's erroneous practice to look for political gain rather than to really go after corruption is the scandal involving the presidential campaign sponsorship. The financial support came from businessmen who had allegedly abused European grants long before the funds were allocated to Bulgaria.
The case with the confidential information passed to Gen. Atanas Atanasov, which accused high rank security serviceman of irregular relationships with a criminal contingent, demonstrates that security services face serious problems with keeping confidential information. Leaking information to criminal gangs, as well as to public figures, violates the law. The ways to control the institutions are legally determined, and this precedent shows that high ranking public servants are the first to breach the regulations.
Likewise, the scandal with Gen. Vanio Tanov and his decision to speak up, revealing violations in the office, and then his quick adherence to opposition party GERB, proves that his outspoken boldness was politically motivated.
To get out of this vicious system of violations and political ambitions covered under intentions to combat corruption, more outside impartial monitoring and control are needed.
Public opinion polls show that more frustrating for the common people is the small corruption that directly harms their interests -- which is why voters insist on more effective measures to overcome it. They consider high places corruption ( big corruption ) more as part of political scandals, that serves the political class, rather than something that concerns the functioning of whole society. They conceive it as inevitable because of its presence all over the world, even in developed and rich countries. Big corruption serves to common citizens as an explanation for abusive behavior, where the circumstances allow.
Hopes that the State Agency for National Security (DANS) would combat top level corruption partially decreased after the recent events, when the Agency was involved in political scandals and some of its top people were dismissed. Doubts emerged that it would be shut down (or discredited) the same way as its predecessors -- when top ranking state servicemen premeditated policy to avoid the possibility that their crimes be revealed.
Peer Reviewer 2:
The Reporter's Notebook presents correct facts in an unbiased manner. The overall corruption spectrum is well represented by the chosen examples.
Peer Reviewer 3:
The Reporter's Notebook summarizes some of the most visible corruption scandals from 2008. The facts are all correct.
However, in my view, the examples used here dont present all sides of the corrupt practices in our country, especially the reasons for power abuses, the growing mistrust in the governing institutions and citizen apathy. The latest Gallup International Survey, from November 2008, shows that only 11 percent of the respondents trust the Parliament, 17 percent the government, 14 percent the justice system, 15 percent the Public Prosecutor and 30 percent the Police.
The 2008 local government by-elections in Kazanlak, Sandanski and Petrich confirmed, repeated and continued previous years widespread attempts of vote-buying. This has become a practice of dangerous dimensions and resulted in violent manifestations. The alarming replacement and faking of citizens votes further caused a lack of political representation.
According to the July 2008 EC Report on Bulgarias Progress in Justice and Home Affairs, there has been little follow-up (few investigations and sentences) to the widespread allegations of corruption and vote-buying in the November 2007 local elections. These practices were allegedly repeated during local by-elections in at least two towns in early June 2008. There are signs of corruption in the health care and education sectors. Despite awareness raising activities, no complaints have been filed and no whistle blowers have emerged. There is little monitoring of conflicts of interest in public procurement. A strategic approach to fighting local corruption is missing. The Anti-Corruption Commission of the Council of Ministers has not been active in this regard.
The latest investigations into several cases of illegal donations to political parties prove that good working restrictions on the corruptive role of money in our political life are missing. This loop in legislative regulations is one of the basic reasons for corruption, which also allows for breaking laws in the future.
According to the same report, the fight against high level corruption and organized crime is not producing enough results. Bulgaria has made little progress in freezing or confiscating financial assets resulting from criminal activities.
Allegations of corruption and fraud are also affecting the delivery of EU financial assistance programs. Bulgaria needs to substantially strengthen its capacity to correctly manage EU funds. Until now, several EU funding programs have had to suspend or freeze activities. The European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF,) the EU anti-fraud agency, reports that procedural blockages, slow progress of cases through the judiciary, leaks of confidential information and alleged influence on the administration and judiciary are impeding the rapid and effective resolution of corruption and fraud cases.
The numerous corruption scandals have resulted in some hope-efficient measures and legislative activities. A new bill, which is to regulate conflicts of interest, has been drafted; some important changes to the Political Parties Act are focused on special measures aimed at limiting the influence of money in politics and the transparency of donations spendings.
However, all planned measures will only be effective if citizens realize their own role and strength, and if they take a more active part in the processes of legislation, monitoring and control.
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